Of Socrates and Sophists, Ancient and Modern
In his opening statement at his trial, as recorded in Plato's Apology, Socrates says:
My accusers, then, as I maintain, have said little or nothing that is true, but from me you shall hear the whole truth--not, I can assure you, gentlemen, in flowery language like theirs, decked out with fine words and phrases. No, what you will hear will be straightforward speech in the first words that occur to me, confident as I am in the justice of my cause, and I do not want any of you to expect anything different. It would hardly be suitable, gentleman, for a man of my age to address you in the artificial language of a schoolboy orator. One thing, however, I do most earnestly beg and entreat of you. If you hear me defending myself in the same language which it has been my habit to use, both in the open spaces of the city--where many of you have heard me--and elsewhere, do not be surprised, and do not interrupt. Let me remind you of my position. This is my first appearance in a court of law, at the age of seventy, and so I am a complete stranger to the language of this place. [Tredennick's translation throughout] When Socrates speaks of "flowery language like theirs," he's referring to the rhetoric and oratory of the Sophists, who, in 5th century BCE Athens, were the paid media consultants, handlers, and advisors of their day. For a fee only the rich could afford, the Sophists taught Athenian citizens how to use, as it were, sophisticated techniques to argue cases in court. Because the Athenians were, like us, a litigious people and because Athenians had to defend themselves in court without the direct assistance of attorneys, the Aristocracy had a distinct advantage over their less fortunate fellow citizens. In addition, the Aristocracy also found their expensive educations in rhetoric and oratory to be useful in the political realm, which for stretches of the 5th century BCE was ostensibly democratic.
Plato--and apparently the historical Socrates--disapproved of the Sophists because they had no regard for seeking or speaking the truth. Sophists, like modern-day attorneys and political sophisticates, were more interested in winning arguments than cultivating wisdom. Plato and Socrates recognized that the Sophists were harmful to society, and in the Apology Socrates states his intention to counter their accusations with the truth. To defend himself against the charges of corrupting the youth and not believing in the commonly recognized gods, Socrates says he'll use the ordinary language of his everyday life. He makes no claims of eloquence, and yet his speech is arguably the most memorable ancient example we have of eloquence in the plain style.
There is a certain irony in Socrates' denials of eloquence. Most anyone, I suppose, can speak simply, but only a rare few speak eloquently in simple language. To master plain eloquence requires the cultivation of a compact, precise and clear speaking style, which Socrates had perfected during all his years as a peripatetic philosopher. Socrates' mastery in thinking and speaking did not, for complicated reasons, win his case or save his freedom, but his words, as recorded by Plato, have long survived his mostly forgotten accusers. The Apology is generally thought of as a literary, philosophical and historical text, but it is also a profoundly political one in the warning it serves us twenty-four hundred years after Socrates' death. In a well-known passage in the Apology, Socrates says:
If you put me to death, you will not easily find anyone to take my place. It is literally true, even if it sounds rather comical, that God has specially appointed me to this city, as though it were a large thoroughbred horse which because of its great size is inclined to be lazy and needs the stimulation of some stinging fly. It seems to me that God has attached me to this city to perform the office of such a fly, and all day long I never cease to settle here, there, and everywhere, rousing, persuading, reproving every one of you. You will not easily find another like me, gentlemen, and if you take my advice you will spare my life. Socrates believes he has been chosen to awaken the Athenians from their complacency. He does not favor one faction over another, but sees Athenian society as a whole system, enervated by its power. He has sought to awaken this society with clear and direct questioning. In a sense, his speaking style is inseparable from what he's attempting to do. He wants to clear away the philosophical underbrush and create an open, common space for seeking truth and wisdom through active, disinterested dialogue. He sees the Sophists as the real corruptors of youth, because they seed the common ground of public dialogue with confusion and complacency, with the desire to win above all things, and with shortsighted venality and self-interested ambition. The very way he speaks is an affront to his enemies, and Socrates knows it. His style of thinking, questioning and speaking are inexorably linked, and they constitute a formidable resistance to the Aristocracy's power and its con artistry of rhetoric and oratory. The condemnation of Socrates is a testimony to what happens when a once energetic democracy has become so corrupt that it must reject direct, plain-spoken words and the man who dares utter them. Perhaps the greatest practitioner of the plain style in American political speech was Abraham Lincoln. Gary Wills' Lincoln At Gettysburg: The Words that Remade America contains a brilliant analysis of Lincoln's mastery of speechwriting. If I were to recommend one book to an earnest young speechmaker (such as Darcy Burner, whom I've written about here), I would pick Gary Wills' book. It won't automatically teach a young speechmaker eloquence, but it does suggest the kind of study that goes into constructing a memorable speech. In terms of style, Lincoln is the heir of Socrates. I make this comparison with a certain irony, because, while Socrates was the victim of the Athenian court, Lincoln developed his sense of logic in the court. Beyond that, the plain style of Lincoln's speeches was not the tool of a gadfly attempting to rouse a complacent society. Rather, it was the tool of a master politician who had the brilliance to draw on the full resources of the vibrant American speech of mid-century America. The closest we have to a modern-day Lincoln is Barack Obama, whom I've discussed here. I don't know if we have a modern-day Socrates, but we certainly need one. The very idea of direct speech in the plain style is the stuff of ridicule by the Sophists of television and newspapers. Howard Dean, while no genius, certainly has a touch of the plain style in his public addresses and conversation, but even his rather modest display of frankness was enough to rouse the ire of political professionals and pundits. The delight with which our Sophists pounced on Howard Dean after his "performance" in Iowa is a measure of how threatening a direct style of mind and speech is to our Aristocratic power-structure, which is entirely founded on its ability to shape public opinion through the con artistry of media manipulation. The fact that some of our political allies not only tolerate the corrupt political language of our times, but even seek to employ it for shortsighted electoral victory indicates how decadent and lazy we've become as a people. The United States is Socrates' thoroughbred horse, in desperate need of awakening. If we Americans have had a Socrates, perhaps we'll find him in Lincoln's contemporary, Henry David Thoreau. Thoreau wrote "Civil Disobedience" after having been jailed for refusing to pay his poll tax to protest our nation's tolerance of slavery and the Mexican war. His term of incarceration was limited to one night, "for some one interfered, and paid that tax." But the essay that came out of that experience inspired both Martin Luther King and Gandhi. We should remember it when we're counseled to acquiesce to the deceptive and evasive speech of our decadent political class, whose primary function is to preserve power in the hands of the few. And when we are told that we must refrain from taking principled positions on the war until we constitute a majority in Congress, we should remember Thoreau's plain rejoinder:
Cast your whole vote, not a strip of paper merely, but your whole influence. A minority is powerless while it conforms to the majority; it is not even a minority then; but it is irresistible when it clogs by its whole weight. David Edelman
Of Socrates and Sophists, Ancient and Modern | 23 comments (23 topical, 0 hidden)
Of Socrates and Sophists, Ancient and Modern | 23 comments (23 topical, 0 hidden)
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